Friday, April 14, 2006

WHEN JUSTICE COMES KNOCKING






They come and go, don't they? Yes, like every other immortal being, they don't last. Contrary to the wild belief, despots and dictators in Africa and in the whole world are not mortal. We may fear their rage, we may fear their brutality but they are every way like us, inhuman as they may be. They are not extra-ordinary. In the last days of their misrule, the weakness in them is put in public for all and sundry to see.
There was the fiery Mobutu Sese Seko W'zabanga from the former Zaire. Despite floating in stolen millions and in gold wealth, didn't he leave the stage humbled? Remember the Malawian life president, Hastings Kamuzu Banda? Not even his passion for ladies could save his skin. When the people's will came knocking, he could not resist any more.
Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada Oumee was everything to revere with awe. Robust, monstrous, harsh, cruel, everything. He had the tenacity to kill and the passion to lure his kill to the slaughterhouse. He had the pedigree to remain afloat as his enemies went down in their knees. Yet, he could not last. His brutality and rotten legacy ended in a cemetery in Saudi Arabia.
Does anyone still recall the last days of Siad Barre of Somalia? Or maybe the flamboyant Megistu Haille Mariam of Ethiopia? Definately! Remember Samuel Doe of Liberia? What about the Life Emperor Jean-Bedel Bokassa of Central Africa Republic? This guys come in style and all the glamor yet they don't last. Only the few lucky escape it. Daniel arap Moi of Kenya is a definate candidate here.
In a new world, some may face totally different times. Charles Taylor of Liberia has a sure case to answer for his atrocities against humanity in the neighbouring Sierra Leone. Whatever way his case goes, it will serve as an eye-opener to the power-hungry new crop of leaders in Africa and the developing world. In this line, our leaders should stand warned. Everything they do while in power counts. It surely does. The blood they shed and the souls they snatch in consolidation of their power bases will definately come to haunt them one day. The Taylor Cowboy will surely confess to this.
In this respect, our leaders should check their positions. I am sure President Museveni of Uganda is following Taylor's case keenly because one day, no matter how long, justice will come knocking thorugh the door. Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and Mwai Kibaki of Kenya should watch things with interest here. Passive dictatorship is as worse as active dictatorship. Hold your breathe guys and wait.

Tuesday, April 04, 2006

KENYA AND UGANDA: A TALE OF TWO FAILURES

In Kenya, multipartyism was re-introduced in 1990 after a series of bloodbath and torture of innocent souls opposed to the demagogic misrule era of former President Moi. Abstrusely, even after the re-introduction of multipartyism, the then President Moi continued rigging elections, which meant that he continued ruling for two more successive five-year terms before finally his iron-fist leadership came to an end through constitutional limits after a span of 24 years. His two-decades-plus leadership was dogged by all manners of evils, from militarism to tribalism, to high-level corruption, tribal clashes, nepotism and injustices that reduced him from a nationalist to a mere unpopular but dreaded figure at home. The country was just a police state where things one man ran the show.

In 2002, and in the first post-Moi elections, the ruling party KANU was defeated massively by a hurriedly-composed coalition of parties selling under the brand of NARC. The election brought in a new government under a new man, the good old Mwai Kibaki. His resume read something like; a former senior government secretary, a former finance minister and a former vice president all under KANU and under Moi leadership. Trust Kenyans and their mannerisms! No one was bothered by his past. They wanted change and change it had to be. Exit Moi, enter Mwai. Not bad, is it? Well, until we analyze him according to his performance.

For the three operational years, NARC government has been hounded by problems that have almost crippled the country. Ministers continue to fight for supremacy thereby undermining their respective responsibilities. The police force has continued being ruthless and insufferable. They continue to harass innocent Kenyans openly in demand for bribes. The corruption levels are soaring, with the only eye-catching difference being the secrecy involved. Tribalism is abounding everyday and the drift between the communities can be felt. Nepotism, well, is it really a big problem in Kenya anymore? Things have gone spooky. Freedom of press is under siege and the independent media is facing the battle of lifetime against the state. Clearly, like before, the police state continues and the bad days lay ahead.

President Kibaki has proved his mettle in his first term. If he succeeds in the second term, we can only hope that like any other dictator, he does not remain in power forever. The Kenyans substituted a devil with a devil’s agent, an active despot with a passive autocrat. From the first three years, the report is that the student is beating the teacher in his own lessons!

At least he has shifted his focus to East Africa Political Federation. We can breathe for a minute.

Across Uganda, a rag-tag rebel outfit with fewer armories but sound popular on the ground entered the streets of Kampala under the leadership of an adorable and a lion-hearted young nationalist. The army had finally managed to get to the capital after staging a successive six-year guerilla war. In the dying hours of the rebellion, the junta government of Gen. Tito Okello was overthrown and a new president was sworn in. It was the estimable Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Having come from behind several authoritative governments, including that of the notorious Field Marshal Idi Amin, there was new hope everywhere with the new half-militant government.

Certainly, there was every reason for hope. The country had faced massive abuse under the previous governments. People had been tortured, oppressed and killed before so the new president, with his new points for stability and development, received a rousing welcome from the hordes of people who considered him El Dorado. He did not fail their enthusiasm. He breathed like a messiah and walked like one. He drafted for the country the ark to destiny that was all in a bus called Movement, designed exactly for that: movement. Immediately the Movement began, a cult-like insurgency started in the north led by a commandments-inspired illusionist Joseph Kony. The insurgency presented a threat to the new government but the hope in Movement did not dwindle and so the Movement continued.

Like they are wont to do, presidents in Africa always have greater power fallacies once new in the high office. The now popular, new African rising-star Museveni, a West-darling and a promising democrat was not spared the lechery. Fortunately, his power illusion came in a vision. The country was choked into the movement system that created absolutely no room for viable opposition. This continued until 1996 when the country had its first elections, sixteen years after the last elections that had resulted to rebellion. In the elections, President Museveni won easily earning the mandate to propel the Movement vision further.

In 2001, it was time for yet another general elections. By this time, dissatisfaction had been conceived and viable opposition had been born in the name of a former rebel doctor, Col. Kizza Besigye. The colonel had fallen out with his boss over the Original Movement Policy and he was offering the only serious challenge to the incumbent. With the playing ground tilted, the race was not polemically tight. However, by this time, a message was filtering through the wind: people were getting fidgety of the Movement. After all, despite the movement, they were getting nowhere! Poverty continued staring in the eyes of the peasants as the war in the north continued unabated and unstopped! People continued eking out life in IDP camps sprawling all over northern Uganda where suffering ruled their lives, all in the name of security. Development in most parts remained stagnant and there was little on offer for celebrations, if any. Although Gen. Museveni defeated the young Colonel in the elections, a message had been conveyed through the election results. People were truly tired of a movement to nowhere.

The sent message re-awakened the hydra. Things started getting out of hand for the opposition members. In a twist, Gen. Museveni started showing face of the army General he was. Col. Besigye was forced to flee the country. People started being harassed for sounding different. Regions got segregated for voting the enemy. Nepotism was budging to the peek as corruption glided to lofty levels. Like an old train, the engine that was in the Movement vision continued. Chokes of tribalism and regionalism offered a new challenge to a country reeling from the shock of continuous dictatorship. With little to do, people started showing resigned faces and it was only a matter of waiting for the turn of events. After all, even if nothing would stop the less-popular Movement vision, there was hope in the amended constitution that had been adopted to spell out boldly a two-term five-year presidency.

The year 2005 will go down in the historical annals of Uganda. This is the year when President Museveni finally acquired the status of the newest African dictator when he arm-twisted the constitution to pave way for life presidency. On a positive note, it was the year when finally the country voted back for a return to multipartyism in a national referendum. Col. Besigye jetted back into the country after four years in exile and declared interest in presidency. After some days he was in jail charged with rape, misprision of treason and treason. Once again, the dragon was wounded.

23rd February, 2006 was set to be the day for the first multiparty elections in the country after a period of twenty-five years. Once again, the General was pitted against the Colonel. By now, the opposition had grown in size and strength. In the campaign trails, the cry echoed in most parts of the country was agende, simply telling the General time was up. The race was too tight to call with the opposition having a clear edge over the government simply due to the government’s mass failures in administration and management. There was prevalent power shortage in most parts of the country, government ministers were implicated in corruption scandals and the economy remained in a state of shock. Surely, the opposition was having a field day in the run up to the election day.

However, the opposition victory was not to be. The elections were dogged by immense bribery, disenfranchisement of voters, intimidation and massive rigging that resulted to a slim Movement win. 20 years down the line, President Museveni earned the mandate to steer forward his Movement vision. And slowly but sure, the country is leaning back to the past. Power shortages, corruption, tribalism, regionalism, nepotism and despotism now threaten the survival of the nation. To conceal his ambitions, the government has turned it war machinations to the independent press. After all, it is the press hat must blame for the growing opposition in the country! As if that is not enough, 19 years since it started, the war in the north rages on. People continue living in modern day slavery, worse than refugees yet in their own country! All this despite the government showing the machinery to impede the war. Definitely, the government is either reluctant to end the war or it is waiting for the right time to do so. When still at it, statistics show that the opposition has its power base mainly in the north. From that, you can read the writing in the wall.

Whatever, and somehow, the Movement vision continues, from Uganda to East Africa!

Monday, April 03, 2006

EAST AFRICA POLITICAL FEDERATION: COLLECTIVE IRRESPONSIBILTY AND LIABILITY

Every time I think of the year 2013, in feel sick. I want to get somewhere and throw up. I want to kick things about. Wait, I am not mad, but this is the year that I will cease to be a Kenyan. God forbid! I feel that no matter how technically they put it, I am being forced to be an East African. Oh hell, what’s that?

I must admit some jingoism here but I love Kenya, and the fact that I was born and nurtured in Kenyan love. Period. Let whoever does not show a feeling of patriotism be the first to pick a stone and throw it to me! At least even the moderate Ugandans and the Tanzanians have that sweet feeling of belonging to their mother countries. It is there in black and white for all to see. Kenyans feel fly in being Kenyans. Tanzanians take pride in being Tanzanians and Ugandans dance to the amour propre in being Ugandans.

That’s how it was designed almost forty-four years ago. After a successive struggle against colonialism, East Africa was never meant to be one. After all, it never was one! (Historians will prove me right.) In 1963, Kenya was granted full independence and before that, in 1962, both Tanzania and Uganda had had their independence. All that lay ahead for the three young republics was the question of uncertain future and how to face it. Indeed, there was great passion and enthusiasm since everything seemed so bright and there was little to worry about. The leading nationalists in the three countries took the leadership mantle with a pledge to steer their countries to destiny. Today, four decades and a half later, the struggle continues.

East Africa region covers a favored area. Starting from the sandy coastal lowlands in the east of Kenya and Tanzania where it neighbors the great Indian Ocean, the region runs down to the hilly and mountainous areas of western Uganda where it brushes face with the thick Equatorial forests of Congo area. Apart from some fewer areas, the region experiences above average relief and conventional rainfall round the year. From this favorable climate, the main backbone of economies of the three countries is composed mainly of agriculture coupled by tourism that is boosted by beautiful scenery and favorable weather. Sheer determination, hard-work and sacrifice by the citizens of the three countries has resulted to a boosting to the growing economies of the three countries. Virtuously, compared to the rest of Africa, the economies of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda can be termed as success story. But that’s the far it goes.

Despite the story of prolonged peace and stability in Kenya, Tanzania and some parts of Uganda, our leaders have turned out to be our worst enemies. Repeatedly, they have let us down by being selfish and egocentric. They have shown insatiable desire to have everything for themselves and their families. Because of such betrayal, the East African countries have continued to suffer under the yolks of dictatorship and its aftermath. Instead of a would-be success in development and stability, there has been consistent failure everywhere. This is most so in Kenyan and Uganda. For Tanzania, ideological misapprehension has proved to be the real threat for over thee decades and only recently is the country showing signs of recovery. Thus the question remains, do we need a political federation, really?

Our leaders are blatantly telling lies. They know that we don’t need a political integration in East Africa yet they are letting their egos drive them forward. They know that such a move is a political suicide to the three countries yet they are ignoring such a fact. They know that there are incorrigible differences among the three countries yet they want to try and see! This people are not genuine. These people are traitors! They want to betray the cause in which our nations were founded. They want to betray the history and the future of our nations. They have failed to steer our respective countries to enjoy the rule of law and justice and now they want to hide behind a political federation. They have failed as individuals and they want to shoulder the failure to everyone. This is purely collective irresponsibility and liability that they want to force down our throats.


Call me a pessimist but lest we forget, we should learn from the history. USSR, Serbia and Montenegro, Czechoslovakia, Croatia and other Balkan countries have political integration cases we should study carefully before we embark n some blind suicide mission. Surely, we don’t need this political federation. Not now, not ever. For this, come April 5, 2006 and I will not be singing the new East Africa anthem and I will not pay the Integration Tax simply because I strongly feel we don’t belong together politically.